One Year Later: The Arab Spring aftermath offers insight into trends and shifts in global digital activism [Repost] #jan25

This was originally posted on the Meta-Activism Project (MAP) website as part of our discussion on digital technology shifts since the beginning of Arab Spring.


The wave of protests that swept through the Arab world last year – what we all call the “Arab Spring” – involved various methods of mobilization and communication of citizens that have since led to region-wide, progressive instances of revolutionary upheaval.  At MAP, we’ve of course been paying most attention to the use of digital technology throughout. I’ve pulled out a few insights – some obvious (but worth solidifying) and some big-picture/not-so-obvious.  Let me know what else you think is important.

Digital technology usage has become more sophisticated.

  • Digital technologies offered a way for people to connect, communicate, and in many cases mobilize.  This isn’t new per se, but the speed and proliferation that it occurred this time around was. Not only did the connections happen, but they led to mobilization quickly and perhaps more effectively than in the past, and instances of mobilization became very wide-spread throughout the region as well (so not just quicker and more effective in one instance, but more prolific).
More people are paying attention to and using the information of digital activists.
Another important trend to highlight, and one that isn’t going away, is that this type of digital communication is being used heavily for various purposes aside from the mobilization and communication of direct political or social actors.  For instance, journalists and media outlets have turned heavily to these tools to get information for reporting purposes….which has it’s pros and cons (see below).

It’s not just to the benefit of the activists anymore.

We started to see this in Iran in 2009, when governments or anti-freedom groups started “fighting back” using digital technology.  It happened slowly, and was not very effective or organized.  We saw it more organized in the London Riots and other movements since.

The real notability of this shift came when I was speaking with a friend in Syria, asking him how things were, that it sounded rough from where I was standing (note: this was before it actually GOT rough), and he said point blank, “you can’t trust any of your media (by the way, he’s mostly American), or Twitter. They aren’t accurate, and we’re safe.” It turns out that people had hijacked the hashtags to report fake bomb attacks and hyperbolize what was happening on the ground.  Something we’d seen before, but to minimal degrees. (See below point).

Ok, who to trust….. Joe (that would be my first inclination, but…)? Twitter (this would be my second outlet, and first in the cases where I didn’t have a friend on the ground)? The press (but everyone tells you not to go there)?

And this leads me to the next high-level insight….one I’ve spoken about before

Verification is super important!

In case you didn’t know…. but what’s happened now if that because these tools are in the hands of several different actors, there will be these hashtag hijackings and manipulation of information that we all need to be very careful of.  Combine that with the fact that this digital information is being used for multiple purposes, this really muddies the waters.  When getting fast information becomes the name of the game, it becomes more difficult to practice discipline when we’re consuming and especially sharing that information.

This is so important, because if it isn’t streamlined or worked out, it has the potential to ruin whatever systems are put into place moving forward.  If we’re presented with a pile of information, no way to sift through it, and no way to verify it, I ask you how useful that pile of information is at that point – to activists or others.

It depends on who’s being challenged and how receptive they are to public outcry.

Mary recently described the Arab Spring within the context of a Constructive/Destructive framework of network affects on nation states:

“In this example, networked actors used social media like Twitter to broadcast elite anti-regime narratives. This mechanism of international agenda-setting made it difficult for other heads of state to oppose the movement publicly, giving the activists a conducive international environment in which to push for regime change.  Activists also used social media to mobilize the actual street protests which forced the Tunisian and Egyptians dictators from power.

In this example we see networked technology being used to challenge state power at the highest level by challenging the legitimacy of state institutions and the authority of rulers.  We can say that its overall effect was positive since the political orders emerging in Egypt and (moreso) Tunisia are likely to be more democratic and concerned with public welfare than those that preceded them.

We should watch out for Eastern Europe/Central Asia as a possible next hot spot for outbreaks.

Anyone who’s been following this region know 1) it’s highly volatile at the moment and 2) they’ve already used digital technologies to mobilize and communicate in the past, so they’re ahead of the curve.

Ok, do you have anything else for us?  Also make sure to check out David’s thoughts on the matter.

The Social Media Revolution in (beautiful) video

This video has some really great statistics about global social media use, and the music is just beautiful (Christopher Tin, Babu Yetu).

Technology issues in Africa: Key take-aways from #womenstechdev #mwomen. Can you help with a solution?

(more…)

Response to “Twitter Can’t Topple Dictators” argument

A long way to grow.

Jay Rosen (re)posted a great one at PressThink about the absurdity of the current argument going on between “cyber-utopians” and “cyber pessimists,” highlighting specifically how many people shout at those who support digital technology as being “simpletons” (check out Jay’s posts, he gives a ton of examples).

As someone who does think that digital technologies can have a positive effect on the world (we’ll just leave it at that), but a half-academic who is also well-aware that the issue isn’t open and shut, it’s new, and we should all still be watching and collecting data, I added this comment (the comments, if you have time are also really great).

“Ah, thank you for this post!  Most notably the emphasis on “a bunch of cyber-utopians” vs “real gown-ups.”  I’m part of an organization called the Meta-Activism Project (MAP).  While most of are what you might call cyber-utopians (in that, we all think digital technology can have a positive overall effect on societies/citizens/politics/democracy/etc, amidst the negative uses that might come about), we set up MAP specifically for the purpose of getting to the deeper questions, the data.

Our motivating question is: “How are we creating knowledge about digital activism and how can we do so more effectively?”

It’s SO crucial to first recognize that this is a difficult question. It’s something that will take years to develop into a field because, well, it is just like any other major shift in societal dynamics in that it’s complex!

And then, it’s crucial to understand that, at this point, with limited data, the above arguments and name calling is pretty pointless.

Those of us who might think positively about the roll of technology in these events are well-aware it isn’t the tool.  What we do recognize is that there might be something about the tools that are changing the way people are able to mobilize and voice themselves, and possibly bringing about more success cases…but we’re all still watching!

At MAP, we’re in the process of coding 1000+ cases of global digital activism so we can get at the root of some of this argument – what is “success”? what do these tools add to the concept of revolution? how has the concept of revolution possibly changed in the wake of new tools of communication? etc etc.

Don’t think there’s anything wrong with that.  And, as far as I’m concerned, for people to continue to straight up DENY that digital tools had absolutely no effect on Moldova/Iran/Egypt etc would be kind of silly also, no?

Kate”

Stop fighting about it and why don’t we all get cracking on actually trying to figure it out?

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Gladwell and the Laziness of Digital Activism Discourse

Malcolm Gladwell speaks at PopTech! 2008 confe...
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By now, I can’t really keep up with the conversation happening around Malcolm Gladwell’s post on digital activism from Monday (“Small Change: Why the revolution will not be tweeted,” The New Yorker, 27 September).  I’m a few days late, blame life.  But I still wanted to chime in, because it’s important to me.

My biggest problem with Gladwell’s discussion?  If you know me at all, you’ll guess it.  He focuses way too much on tools and tactics and ignores the role that strategy plays in any form of activism. I’ve talked about the difference between tactics and strategy before, emphasizing the absolute importance of strategy and wondering where all the strategy went.

Additionally, his use of data is very shallow.

Let’s get into a few of the things Gladwell talks about in his post.  The first thing that jumped out at me was:

“Where activists were once defined by their causes, they are now defined by their tools.”

Not true.  Any smart person I talk to knows it’s not about the tools.  Nobody knowledgable on the space looked at the Iran incident or the Moldovan incident and said “It was Twitter that did it.”  We looked at the larger picture, how Twitter acted as a new way for people to express their voice, how far the reach was etc.  It’s also interesting that he spends so much time talking about the sit-in and fails to acknowledge that it’s the 1960s activists’ equivalent of a tool?  Whether it produced strong-ties, high-risk, or weak ties he spends little time talking about the strategy those activists had, and to me that seems like a gaping hole.

Is there still work to be done in the field? Of course.  One of the problems Malcolm could have talked about was the constant use of anecdotes to describe the digital activism landscape.  That’s one thing that MAP is trying to tackle.

There’s also the implication here that high-risk activism is the only one that results in success:

“What mattered more was an applicant’s degree of personal connection to the civil-rights movement….High-risk activism, McAdam concluded, is a “strong-tie” phenomenon…..But weak ties seldom lead to high-risk activism.”

Does this mean that the only way to achieve success is through high-risk activism, that somehow, since lives might have been in danger at a much more apparent level in his examples of 1960s activism, it caused more of a fervor which was the only thing that drove people to act (or can drive people to act now)?  Ok, I didn’t know I had to have a life threatening situation to be an activist, or to cause change or to mobilize.

As he focuses on this issue of “ideological fervor” he misses the fervor – albeit of a different type – that was caused worldwide during the Iranian “Twitter Revolution” (for the record, I also disagree with this designation, and chock it up to a case of media sensationalism, but I digress).  He needs fervor?  What about the thousands of people sporting green avators in support of the cause?  While individual emotions might not have been as heightened as if you had a sit in with a direct threat of your face being punched in, the overall, collective emotions could be said to be even more powerful on a different level.

He simply ignores the numbers.

As does his rather direct, but unfair hit, at Clay Shirky (disclaimer, Shirky is on our board at MAP, and because we all have like-minded thinking, it’s natural for me to react to this):

“Shirky considers this model of activism an upgrade. But it is simply a form of organizing which favors the weak-tie connections that give us access to information over the strong-tie connections that help us persevere in the face of danger. It shifts our energies from organizations that promote strategic and disciplined activity and toward those which promote resilience and adaptability. It makes it easier for activists to express themselves, and harder for that expression to have any impact. The instruments of social media are well suited to making the existing social order more efficient. They are not a natural enemy of the status quo. If you are of the opinion that all the world needs is a little buffing around the edges, this should not trouble you. But if you think that there are still lunch counters out there that need integrating it ought to give you pause.”

In my opinion, if Gladwell wants to take this stance, he should be working as hard as Shirky is at trying to progress the field of digital activism into more rigorous analysis so that we can compare apples to apples when trying to make broad claims about the virtues or downfalls of social media tools, instead of the apples to oranges approach that Gladwell takes when comparing these two forms of digital activism.  To this end, Mary raises three really good questions on the distinctions that Gladwell is trying to draw in his piece.

I don’t want to dissect Gladwell’s argument much anymore (I could talk about how the 1960s instances he speaks of were carried out on top of very well-established “free spaces” that were available, and still are, to people at that time, and how those types of well-developed spaces and tactics are still being developed online, and yadda yadda yadda).

It really does come down to numbers in many senses.  Gladwell argues correctly that many of the connections made by digital technologytoday are, at the individual level, weaker than the forms of high-risk activism present in the 1960s.  However, what he 1960s didn’t necessarily have was the ability to affect  people across the world, the ability to create a collective ideological fervor that could potentially, with right foundational knowledge and strategy, rival any instance of high-risk activism around.

The Backlash Highlights

There were a lot of responses to this piece, and some of the other points made against Gladwell’s arguments were great:

Over at the Huffington Post (“What Malcolm Gladwell Doesn’t Understand about Social Networks28 Sept), Angus Johnston talked about how the high-risk activism incidents of the pre-internet era led also to the larger scale weak-ties activism that helped champion an entire movement:

“Gladwell is right that strong-tie relationships were a crucial part of the Civil Rights Movement, and is a crucial part of any organizing effort. But he misses the fact that all strong ties start as weak ties, and that even weak-tie relationships can spur action within and between strong-tie communities.”

Anil Dash hits the nail on the head (“Make the Revolution,” 28 Sept) when he argues that most of Gladwells problem is not accepting a different type of activism in different times, and that he’s stuck trying to find the activism of the 1960s:

“It wasn’t the birthers or the truthers who earned the nod for helping shape America’s future: It was the makers. Their protests, their sit-ins, take the simple form of making things and sharing them with each other, online and off. The quietness of their ways, the heads-down determination of the scientist instead of the chin-jutting attitude of the street fighter, might make them easy to overlook. But that doesn’t mean that it’s not a significant and enduring movement. it doesn’t mean the will of these millions of people doesn’t count, simply because it’s expressed in a way that doesn’t look like protest did five decades ago. Best of all, the people who actually make these things happen aren’t just sitting around clicking “Like” on things online.”

Allison Fine follows nicely (“Malcolm Gladwell Strikes out on Activism,” 28 Sept) by saying flat out that Gladwell doesn’t get activism for precisely the reasons I spoke of above (is the only type of activism high-risk activism? Is that the only way we can ever have success?):

“Activism has come to represent a wide continuum of efforts, voluntary and professional, that, like the tax code I mentioned last week, cannot all fit neatly under one umbrella. The term activism has come to include society changing social movements, political advocacy, and acts of loving kindness, like giving clothes or food to people in need. Gladwell lumps all activism into the social movement category. There will only ever be one civil rights movement, and the every day overuse of the word “movement” (akin to the overuse of the word “gate” to describe political scandal highlighting a true lack of imagination on the party of the “gate”ers.)”

Zeynep Tufekci at Technosociology talked about the difference between how problems are perceived at the local level versus the global level (“What Gladwell Gets Wrong: The Real Problem is Scale Mismatch (Plus, Weak and Strong Ties are Complementary and Supportive),”27 Sept):

“I will make two main points in this post. One, the key issue facing activists who wish for real social change is the mismatch between the scale of our problems (global) and the natural scale of our sociality (local). This is a profound problem and more, not less, social media is almost certainly a key element of any solution. Second, the relationship between weak and strong ties is one of complementarity and support, not one of opposition.”

And so……

Gladwell tells us all,

“…we seem to have forgotten what activism is.”

But have we?  Have we really?

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Slacktivism and Clicktivism debate? You’re boring me.

I wrote a quick blog post Tuesday on the MAP site (“Clicktivism Schmicktivism.  Move on, literally.”) in response to Micah White’s article in the Guardian on Clicktivism and the demise of Digital Activism. It similarly compared digital activism and marketing, but added a bit about strategy.  You can check it out to read more.

I wanted to make a quick comment on an issue that was sparked by an excerpt of  Esra’a's blog post on the same:

“When you are a housewife with 5 kids, a fulltime job, financial issues, and mismanaged stress, supporting Iran or Kyrgyzstan or China is not going to be your #1 priority. But you still care – so you RT a link. Or two. And then three. There is nothing wrong with that, it’s actually encouraged to get involved in every “little” way you can, and tweeting counts. This is the only way you can tap into audiences that would otherwise not be inspired to think and possibly act upon these global issues that affect us all.” – Esra’a Al Shafei, Is digital activism ruined?

I’ve gotten really tired of these labels such as “Slactivism” and now “Clicktivism,” because I think most of them miss the point. They’re usually referencing

  1. What people are calling themselves (“You think you’re an activist just because you clicked?”) or
  2. When people claim large numbers (“You think your 10 000 Twitter followers means anything?”)

Critics are too caught up in their own egos as digital activists and repeatedly fail to address what those numbers really mean. When you have 10 000 Twitter followers, if you convert just 1% of those into true, passionate and active supporters, that could be 100 possible volunteers or donors! So if that passionate but busy housewife who can only tweet something RTs to someone who might have and equal amount of passion but more time who can get up go, in my book, that’s fantastic, and couldn’t have been done with your “clicktivist.”

As I mentioned in my article on the MAP site, there are bad Digital Activism campaigns, just as there are bad marketing campaigns.  However, there are many instances in which numbers and clicks can be used very successfully and we shouldn’t criticize campaigns or people simply because they “just clicked.”

Since it’s Sunday night, I’ll stop here for now, but wanted to throw these thoughts out there.

What do you think?  Can there be value in these campaigns if done with the “right” strategy?  Are the critics of these campaigns right?

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MAP Board of Advisors: Clay Shirky

Clay really doesn’t need an introduction, does he?  Even so, we’re really excited to have him. Clay has done more than any other public intellectual to explain the social and political effects of digital technology and to reveal its transformative possibilities.  He is an influential author, teacher, and speaker, who has published Here Comes Everybody (2008) and Cognitive Surplus (2010). This year he is taking a hiatus from NYU’s Interactive Telecommunications Program to be the Edward R. Murrow Lecturer at the Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy and a Fellow at the Berkman Center for Internet and Society.

The Meta-Activism Project seeks to better understand the phenomenon of digital activism not in order to define its inherent nature, but in order to make meaningful interventions to increase its effectiveness.  We are not technological determinists, we are activists.  We seek to understand so we can be more effective agents of change.

[Read More]

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MAP Board of Advisors: Hardy Merriman

We welcome Hardy Merriman to the Board of The Meta-Activism Project (MAP).  I had the pleasure of working with Hardy over the two-day strategy session we held as part of the formation of MAP back in January, and am very pleased that he’s joined us.  He’ll prove to have really great input and impact on the organization.

Hardy is a leading scholar and trainer in the field of nonviolent civic action.  He has edited or co-authored some of the seminal works in the field, such as Waging Nonviolent Struggle (2005) and CANVAS Core Curriculum: A Guide to Effective Nonviolent Struggle (2007).  Hardy is currently a Senior Advisor at the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, a nonprofit foundation that develops the study and use of civilian-based, nonmilitary strategies to establish and defend human rights, democracy and justice worldwide.

The Meta-Activism Project (MAP) seeks to build new knowledge about the effects of digital technology on activism and political power.  We not want to reinvent the wheel, but rather to build on existing knowledge.  Hardy is a link to these stores of existing knowledge, as he said in a recent email…..[Read More]

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MAP Board of Advisors: Esra’a Al Shafei

We’ve started to expand our Board of Advisors for The Meta-Activism Project (MAP), and we’ll be posting their bios on the site over the next few days [I'll be posting here to direct you that way!]

Esra joins us from the ground.  She is based in Bahrain, is the founder of Mideast Youth, an all-volunteer organization that produces slick web sites and content for human rights campaigns across the Middle East. Though only in her early twenties, she has been a TED and Echoing Green fellow and, in 2008, received the Berkman Center for Internet and Society’s first award for “outstanding contributions to the internet and its impact on society”.

Though the Meta-Activism Project focuses on the digital activism idea space, it is important that we always  connect our work back to activists on the ground.  Esra’a fills this roles excellently.  She has experience with a broad range of campaigns from a variety of countries from Egypt and Iran to Israel, defending the rights of religious and ethnic minorities and migrants.

[Read More]

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Wikileaks, Transparency, Responsibility, and Constructive Action

We’ve been having a really great conversation about the recent WikiLeaks incident on an informal Fletcherite group list, and I wanted to get some of the thoughts up that have been spiraling about, as well as refine my own thoughts.  For those I mention below, if they’ve got a blog, they’re well worth the follow so I suggest doing so!

My biggest issue with this situation from the get go was whether or not this leak was handled in a responsible and constructive manner.  I don’t think it was. I am in complete support of transparency and open government and all those high-aspiring concepts we work so hard for (especially in the digital activism field).

However, I feel there are effective ways to accomplish this, and ineffective ways. This, in my opinion, was an ineffective way.

In our conversation stream, the first question I brought up was something to the effect of…”This isn’t everyday information, and while I feel the government should be more transparent, I also wonder what level of expertise Julien has with that sort of information and *everything* (consequences, people involved, military structure, etc) included with it.  Did he actually do a “responsible” vetting process before leaking, to the point where military info could be appropriately consumed by the public, the regular Joe, in a constructive, non-agenda-based way?

I always try to push the responsibility aspect of issues like this, as I think it works better than willy-nilly throwing around of information for sensationalist purposes….soap-boxers and dramatic whistle blowers don’t strike a chord with me very often in a situation like this, and it’s very clear that Assange and WikiLeaks had an agenda they were trying to push.  This means that it wasn’t about transparency anymore, it was about an agenda.  This is further supported by the fact that the original source of the information has essentially said that the leak was not for the purposes of broad-based transparency… it’s because he himself had become disillusioned with the war he was involved in, he didn’t like his position, and he wanted to “strike back.”  Even people close to the course felt compelled to bring the original leak to the government’s attention because of the way it was handled…

Carol Waters said it very well in our email discussions:

“I’ve been a fan and supporter of Wikileaks since its inception in 2007, and I still strongly believe that it occupies a critical space for information that needs to see the light of day.  But the biggest issue right now –embodied in the current case of Wikileaks– is the establishment of a code of conduct as leaks and transparency become more and more common over the next few decades.

I’m concerned with the direction WikiLeaks has taken recently — the site’s power resides in its stateless existence, but this is also its greatest weakness, for it chooses its own code of accountability.  And now that WikiLeaks has received so much attention as the new hip place to break dirty-dirt on various governments, organizations, corporations, individuals, and movements, this is an even greater issue.

When Assange released the video of the bombing a few months ago and titled it “Collateral Murder,” he lost me as a supporter.  Not because I disagreed with his sentiment that the acts in the video were murderous in nature, but because it showed that Assange was going overt with his political editorialization of the material on the site, and I couldn’t trust his judgment any more.  Not because he stamped his opinion and politics on the video in such a bald manner, but because it implied something more serious and dangerous in my eyes: selective leaks to serve political agendas, taking the culture of wiki away from the site. Selective political leaking has always been an issue, but I can no longer view WikiLeaks choices of leaked material as anything other than deeply politicized, and I find this a sad element in Assange’s recent decisions.

I agree that “official” journalists shouldn’t have the exclusive stamp of legitimacy in the realm of “fair and balanced” reporting, and I think transparency is good and preferred (albeit with some heavy caveats), but I think when Assange only chooses to leak documents that promote his political beliefs and agendas, he becomes a variant of a cleverly edited cable news show, be it Jon Stewart or Fox.  What’s disappointing is that whistleblowing and “leaks for good” still have a positive connotation, but Assange’s choices and contextualizations may change that, throwing all of it into a barrel labeled infowar or counterintelligence as we move into the future.”

If Assange/WikiLeaks had firstly done a more thorough job of sifting through the information – really curating it for the readers he was trying to reach – and been more sensitive of that information (it’s generally agreed that the amount of time that was spent on this process was not nearly enough…), I might be ok with it.

If he had also presented it in a way that was more compelling, and more constructive than a “hear me roar” I may have also listened.

Before I get carried away – which would be easy in this case – I’ll leave you with a few more comments from my colleagues, which really sum up the breadth of issues and takes on the matter.

Mark Belinsky, Founder and Co-Director of Digital Democracy and a new media strategy consultant with his company New Words, put his thoughts on his blog, well worth reading (“Notes on Wikileaks,” a few snippets of which I’ve place below):

“Julian’s point, which I agree with, is often that newspapers are failing because of bad journalism. How many stories has Wikileaks broken vs the Times. Or the Guardian. Combined. And as budget cuts increase, it allows for good journalism to emerge from Global Voices and other interesting new projects.

This disruptive media source is something that western governments are now struggling with. I’ve been speaking with members of EU Parliament about it and have even presented to US Congress on the subject. Pinning the internet to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as Secretary Clinton did in her “Internet Freedom” speech was a bold move, but not one entirely based in reality. There is a lack of general consensus as to the nature of these right, making it hard to implement policy after the fact of making a strong declaration. The US needs allies in this battle in sympathetic governments (and vice-versa since so many tools are built here), but there’s a lack of consistency with what’s happening across the pond….

….After all, even an internet based-system is not “stateless.” It is bound by servers and wiring, of which only a few people know. And only a few lawyers know the legal frame that allows it to exist through the cables and servers of a handful of friendly States. In this sense it continues to be “centralized” even if the system for leaking itself is distributed and protected.”

From Josh Goldstein, who writes over at In An African Minute:

“Reality is far too complex for the 20th century institutions we are burdened with. How can a government, or even a small number of new and old style journos that make up the media elite, possibly claim a monopoly on truth in a situation as complicated as Afghanistan. Wikileaks matters because it will provide the raw content for those of us who are conceiving of new ways to interpret the world…..

Money quote from the New Yorker article Mark points us towards:

“He had come to understand the defining human struggle not as left versus right, or faith versus reason, but as individual versus institution. As a student of Kafka, Koestler, and Solzhenitsyn, he believed that truth, creativity, love, and compassion are corrupted by institutional hierarchies, and by “patronage networks”—one of his favorite expressions—that contort the human spirit. He sketched out a manifesto of sorts, titled “Conspiracy as Governance,” which sought to apply graph theory to politics. Assange wrote that illegitimate governance was by definition conspiratorial—the product of functionaries in “collaborative secrecy, working to the detriment of a population.” He argued that, when a regime’s lines of internal communication are disrupted, the information flow among conspirators must dwindle, and that, as the flow approaches zero, the conspiracy dissolves. Leaks were an instrument of information warfare…..”

John Rahaghi, a former active duty military member and current reservist, offers his take on the situation:

“I think this was a clear demonstration of contempt for the government, among other things. Many people have noted the leak hasn’t revealed alot of new information, at least so far.  Then why do this? Were there war crimes exposed?  Possibly, (I’m sure we’ll find out).  Were there 90,000 of them?  What was the whistle blown on?  That we are in a war?  That its conduct has gone poorly?  That we have differences with allies?  Is this an indictment of government secrecy in any form, the fact we have a military at all, or some combination of other factors?  Maybe its an attack on the very structure of the government altogether.   A leak this massive doesn’t lend itself to any simple explanation, at least for me. In the military, you are supposed to take the oath and follow lawful orders.  Ostensibly, if you see something that you feel is egregiously wrong, illegal, unethical, immoral, or whatever the case is as you see it, you bring it to the attention of the chain of command, the JAG corps, or your civilian leadership.  Naturally, this can be difficult, but this wasn’t a leak of an incident or pattern of behavior, it was years of classified documents covering many areas and I personally don’t think this was a credible way to change policy, if that was even the intent.

While you can talk about government secrecy as a separate topic itself, I think its important to understand some things about classified documents and the negative effects that can result from their disclosure.  JFK conspiracies, UFOs, or specs for a new death ray aren’t the only topics under confidential and Top Secret. The majority of what is classified is not as super cool as people think and I would bet seems innocuous or even obvious to a casual observer. I’d wager many people would read these documents and think whats the big deal, I knew that/guessed that/assumed that. But anything about tactics, sources, methods, operational details, assessments, and mission planning, to name a few, are in fact valuable to an enemy even years afterward.  Airing the fact that we have doubts about allies only complicates matters further (the State Dept cables could be an even bigger bombshell), and even something widely known in the press can take on different meaning when its seen to be the official thought or assessment of the U.S. government.  These are broad strokes and I suppose someone may not care about any of it because of how they feel about the conflicts, conduct, and administration etc.”

Ben Mazzotta transferred his discussion over to his blog post, which is well worth reading.  A few of his thoughts to wet your appetite (definitely read the rest of his piece if you’re interested in the topic):

“Graph theory or no graph theory, Assange’s intent here is to wage war on the Obama Administration, by attacking the American public’s political will to continue the fight. He is specifically opposed to the policy of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and with disregard for the law he attempts to bring about a change to the Administration’s stated policy. Let’s grant him that the information is too cold to be acutely dangerous in a tactical sense, although that’s another argument worth having….

…Imagine if your small business was targeted, or if Google were targeted, or if Lockheed Martin were targeted by a similar disclosure of thousands of internal reports and communications not intended for public release. The damage to shareholders and management would be immense, partly because of the sheer irresponsibility of the leak per se, and then again from regulatory penalties, civil liability, and ruined corporate strategy. Malicious disclosure in business and government goes by the same name: espionage. In private life it can end marriages, friendships, and careers. The fact that the adversary here is The Man does not change the character of this leak….

This disclosure is a watershed event. It drives home the ease with which any individual can compromise the boundary between internal and public information. Actions of this type can undermine American strategy in the war. Political decisions about partnerships have tactical consequences, witness the importance of Turkish air bases in 2003.

In order to applaud Wikileaks for its role in this disclosure, I believe you have to hold two opinions. First, that the injustice of the Afghan war is so immense that citizens have a responsibility to bring about its immediate end, through civil disobedience or comparable means. Second, that Wikileaks is well qualified to assess the potential harm that might be inflicted as a result of the disclosures. You have to make up your own minds about the ethics of the Afghan war. On the second question, though, I invite you to think carefully through the wisdom of giving unaccountable, private organizations the power to disclose stolen, sensitive information based solely on their judgment that the benefit outweighs the harm. Can you reconcile the indiscriminate, voluminous, and quotidien nature of the leak with a story about plucky and righteous individuals bending unjust government to their will? To me, the leak betrays haste, youth and passion. I cannot buy into Assange’s vision of a world without confidentiality or privacy.

I don’t buy the Robin Hood argument here, and I don’t see this as a Tank Man moment.”

Chrissy Martin got into some of the implications on journalism (of which there are many in this case!)

“I think this raises interesting questions regarding the interaction between new media and traditional journalism.  Julian basically decided to do the newspapers the favor of offering them access first, a decision that I think was better for everyone involved because it allowed the documents to be vetted and analyzed before being released to the wider public.  But a decision that was not required, or enforceable, and may not happen the next time around.

This a case where regulation cannot keep up with technology, a situation that we are now seeing on an increasingly regular basis.  I am all for open government, transparency, citizen journalism.  However, I also think that the dissemination of information and how it is presented is a vital and often overlooked aspect of open initiatives.  Is it really a service to post a mass of information that may or not be true, as with intelligence reports that might have already been determined to be misinformation, but are not marked as such when posted on the internet?”

If you’re curious about some history of leaks in general, Mary Joyce put up a good post over at the MAP site (which she added to our discussion as well).

I’d love there to be further discussion in the comments below.  What do you think about the whole affair?  Who’s right?  Who’s wrong?  Who’s effected and how?

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